Opioid abuse and rural homelessness create a spiral for some rural residents, a new study has found.

For the study, researchers with the Rural Opioid Initiative at Georgia State University interviewed more than 3,000 people in rural communities across 10 states who had used drugs. Of those, more than half (54%) said they had experienced homelessness in the last six months. 

April Ballard, assistant professor at the Georgia State University School of Public Health, said the research suggests that the number of rural homeless is significantly larger than federal data suggests.

“Houselessness is an issue in rural areas, but it’s not talked about,” Ballard said in an interview with the Daily Yonder. “That’s largely because it looks very different than in urban areas. It can look like couch surfing, or moving from place to place. It’s hard to count in the same way that we do in urban areas.”

The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development requires a nationwide “Point in Time Count” of people experiencing homelessness on a single night in January. On that day, groups of volunteers spread out to count and talk to homeless people in a community. However, Ballard said, because of the nature of rural homelessness, getting an accurate count is difficult.

“In an urban area, there are groups of people that get together and they walk around the city and they talk to people (to get the homeless count),” she said. “That can be challenging, obviously, for urban areas that are really spread out or not walkable. But in rural areas, obviously, you’re not going to go climb mountains and go in the backwoods to count people. That’s just not feasible.”

Rural people without housing may live in different situations — with relatives, or in tents, or in cars, Ballard said — instead of living in shelters or on the street. That makes finding and identifying them difficult at best. And there is a greater prevalence of homelessness because of the nature of rural community economics, she said.

“In some rural areas there are fewer economic opportunities and more economic disparities,” she said. “There’s insufficient public housing infrastructure and a limited acknowledgement of rural houselessness, which means that less money and resources go toward it.”

In one case, the researchers counted up to five times as many people experiencing homelessness in Kentucky than the “point in time” counts had identified. In three counties, the research found, the “point in time” counts estimated there were no people who were homeless, while Ballard and her group found more than 100 people in those same counties who said they had used drugs and experienced homelessness in the previous  six months.

Mary Frances Kenion, vice president of training and technical assistance with the National Alliance to End Homelessness, agrees that homelessness in rural communities is undercounted.

“Every year, communities conduct an annual ‘point in time count, which is comparable to what we see in the Census —where folks go out knocking door to door to count people,” she said in an interview with the Daily Yonder. “But how do you count people that don’t have a door to answer?”

Rural homelessness, she said, stems not only from lower economic opportunities and a lack of affordable housing, but a lack of support services as well.

“We see a lack of service providers that are really responsible for a whole range of services to the community,” she said. “We do not seem to see the same concentration of service providers that you would see in, say, metropolitan Atlanta or Washington, D.C., or New York City.”

Ballard said her team’s research also indicated that there is a link between opioid use and rural homelessness, each one feeding off of the other.

“Obviously, it’s very clear that the opioid epidemic, as well as other sorts of drugs, has just been wreaking havoc on rural America for a while now. And I would say that houselessness has been an issue in rural areas, but it’s not talked about,” she said. “These two things, I think have been happening in parallel, and as the opioid epidemic has dramatically increased, it [has led] to that kind of cycle.”

The social losses that accompany opioid use disorder, Ballard said — such as unemployment, financial ruin, and the loss of family and social networks — can lead to housing instability and homelessness. In turn, the harsh living conditions presented by homelessness can perpetuate drug use as a coping mechanism. Together the two can create a self-reinforcing cycle that contributes to poorer health and shorter lifespans.

Homelessness can also inhibit treatment and medical care, Ballard said. People  without stable housing were 1.3 times more likely to report being hospitalized for serious bacterial infection and 1.5 times more likely to overdose, the study found. Ballard said the lack of access to clean water contributed to a higher infection rate, while the prevalence of homeless people to use drugs alone increased the risk of accidental overdoses.

Although the two often overlap, Kenion cautioned against equating homelessness with drug addiction.

“I would be really careful about drawing parallels to the narrative that sometimes takes over that the majority of people experiencing homelessness are addicted to opioids or other substances, because that’s not supported by the data,” she said.

Rather, many homeless people across the country have experienced financial hardships — even one unexpected expense —that spiraled out of control and forced them from their homes, she said.

“Not a lot of people realize how folks are just often one crisis away from experiencing housing instability and homelessness, but that is felt more acutely in rural communities,” she said. “If you look at the overall snapshot, rural homelessness has actually increased by 17% between the beginning of the Covid-19 pandemic and 2023. And 42% of people experiencing homelessness in rural areas are in unsheltered situations, with women and families with children being far more likely to be unsheltered outdoors.”

Both Ballard and Kenion agree that accurately counting the homeless in rural communities in necessary in order to ensure they have the services they need to get back on their feet.

Additionally, Ballard said, having an accurate count can help ensure the rural homeless who have drug abuse issues can get the help that they need.

“I feel like without that awareness, we are not allocating resources to this,” Ballard said. “From a policy standpoint, it’s incredibly important for us to be capturing accurate information and accurate estimates, so that we’re actually dedicating the right amount of resources to communities. If we are trying to stop deaths related to drug use as well as other epidemics related to HIV and hepatitis C, and we’re not considering housing status, efforts to mitigate that are not going to be as effective or as efficient.”

The post Study: Rural Homelessness Is Underestimated and Exacerbated by Opioid Epidemic appeared first on The Daily Yonder.

Blaine and Diane Smith were hurt but unsurprised when a Georgia superior court judge ruled last week that a railroad company could seize their land, despite their refusal to sell. 

For nearly two years, they have been fighting to stop Sandersville Railroad Co., a 130-year-old, white-owned business, from building a 4.5-mile rail spur through a historically Black neighborhood in rural Sparta. The company initiated eminent domain, which is a process that allows the government to seize private property for public use.

The proposed spur would cut through parts of the property Blaine and his siblings inherited, which includes 600 acres acquired by his grandfather in the 1920s. Growing up, he farmed, fished, and hunted on the land. His family cultivated cotton, fruits, vegetables, and timber, and raised pigs, chickens, and cows. Not only has it been used to feed generations, but to pay for some family members’ education as well. 

Currently, his brother Mark Smith and his wife, Janet Paige Smith, live on the land. With a railroad just feet away from their home, it would disrupt their peace and run through the middle of the land where Blaine plants trees. He’s also worried about the potential damage to the property from hazardous products being transported on the tracks and people trespassing.

“We’ve had to fight to keep this land. It’s always somebody coming in trying to bamboozle you out of it,” Blaine told Capital B. “There’s people trying to come hunt on it and trespass on it. It’s gonna be easier for them to do that if we put a railroad through the middle of it. … You asked me, “What things bother me about it?” I mean, everything bothers me about it.” 

Despite those concerns, Fulton County Superior Court Judge Craig L. Schwall Sr., in a ruling on Feb. 4, upheld a previous decision by the Georgia Public Service Commission that the rail spur is necessary for Sandersville Railroad to connect industries, and that it serves a public purpose because it opens a channel of trade through east middle Georgia.

However, the landowners say they won’t be discouraged from the ruling. The Institute for Justice, which represents them, is appealing the decision to the Georgia Supreme Court.

“We’re going to fight ‘til we can’t fight anymore,” Diane said. “I don’t want to leave any stone unturned. My grandmother used to say, ‘no stone unturned’, so you keep unturning and unturning.”

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Read More: Why This Rural Community Is at War With a 130-Year Railroad Company

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In 2023, Benjamin Tarbutton II, president of Sandersville Railroad, made plans to construct the rail spur that would connect the Hanson Quarry, a rock mine owned by Heidelberg Materials, to a main train line along the nearby highway. But, the company needed portions of property from 18 owners along Shoals Road to make it happen. 

He touted the project would create 20 temporary construction jobs, a dozen permanent jobs averaging $90,000 a year in salary and benefits, and bring in over $1.5 million annually to Hancock County, where the median household income is nearly $34,000, Tarbutton said in an email. And if the proposal moves forward, local officials hope this could attract future businesses and improve economic growth. 

However, Black landowners have consistently expressed concerns that the railroad could damage their homes, cause noise pollution, and result in the loss of land that has been passed down through generations. Tarbutton moved forward and petitioned the state’s public service commission to condemn the land from the property owners using eminent domain.

Last fall, the public service commission unanimously approved the proposed rail spur during an 11-minute meeting, falling in line with a hearing officer decision in April. The Institute for Justice appealed the decision, arguing the rail line does not constitute a “legitimate public use.” 

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​​Read More: Rural Georgia Community Keeps Fighting Despite Railroad’s Win to Take Their Land

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Schwall, the superior court judge, concurred with the commission’s order last week, but halted construction while appeals proceeded. 

Bill Maurer, senior attorney for the Institute for Justice, said he’s committed to proving the railroad’s desire to build a new line “entirely for the benefit of a handful of private companies is not a public use under the U.S. and Georgia constitutions and Georgia’s eminent domain laws.”

“We look forward to the Georgia Supreme Court’s review, and we are thankful that our clients will not have to deal with Sandersville building tracks on our clients’ property until the higher court weighs in,” he said. 

Diane Smith said she’s hopeful the law will prevail.

“Is it against the law to protect what you have?” she questioned. “We want to build generational wealth for our children, but not off the backs of someone else.”

For Blaine, the court’s decision “galvanized us to fight harder,” despite people demonizing them for protecting their property.

“Every time you hear an eminent domain case … it’s them against us, and we’re the bad guys, because we try to hold on to what we have. … Leave us alone,” he said. “Let’s make this clear: They are looking to get our land to make money for them. If we win and they don’t … there’s no compensation for us. There’s nothing in it for us, other than our peace of mind, and that’s what we want.”

The post This Black Family Won’t Back Down After Court Allows Railroad to Take Their Land appeared first on Capital B News.

The Trump administration’s hiring freeze and buyout offer for federal workers in Coastal Georgia have left nearly 16,700 employees uncertain about their future, as they consider whether to resign or risk losing their job.

The Current is an inclusive nonprofit, non-partisan news organization providing in-depth watchdog journalism for Savannah and Coastal Georgia’s communities.

Majority-Black, rural school districts in Mississippi like the one where Jacqueline Brown has taught for 17 years cannot afford budget cuts. 

It’s already difficult to recruit a certified math teacher or offer additional incentives to retain experienced educators who are nearing retirement in a rural area, she said.

One federal program that helps rural counties navigate such challenges is the Secure Rural Schools (SRS) program. Brown’s state received $2.2 million from the program, which supports schools, roads, emergency services and other municipal services. These funds have kept rural counties afloat, especially facing declining populations, sinking tax bases and limited state funding. 

But, last month, as Congress scrambled to prevent a government shutdown, lawmakers failed to renew funding for the program. 

As a result, rural communities in over 700 counties will lose millions of dollars, forcing counties to delay road improvements and school districts to consider staff layoffs and cuts to extracurricular activities or after-school programs. Education advocates worry the lack of resources could further deepen existing disparities, especially for Black rural communities that often are invisible to policymakers. 

“Every student should have access and opportunities and resources, and it shouldn’t be determined by the ZIP code,” said Becky Pringle, president of the National Education Association. “Kids need access to a science lab, but they also need access to arts and music. They also need access to after-school programs and sports. They also need a rich, diverse, inclusive curriculum. … They can’t have it all because they don’t have the resources.”

In 2016, the only other year the program’s funding expired, one school district in California couldn’t afford to make repairs to school buildings, which caused toxic mold outbreaks at several campuses. If Congress does not address the funding shortfall, the superintendent fears the district will have to downsize, which will lead to bigger class sizes and fewer enrichment programs. In southeast Alaska, school leaders say the funding loss will be “dramatic” as school districts there are already facing budget deficits. 

Less than a week after the Senate passed its bill to renew funding, a bipartisan coalition of 22 members in the House — including Democratic U.S. Reps. Joe Neguse, Bennie Thompson, Nikema Williams, Don Davis, and Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick — urged Republican House Speaker Mike Johnson to bring the legislation before Congress before the end of the year. 

Despite the plea, Johnson did not bring the bill to a vote on the House floor before the end of the congressional session, leading to its failure. It wasn’t due to opposition or lack of support that it didn’t get passed; it was a matter of timing, Thompson told Capital B.

“I just think we just didn’t have enough time to get it across the finish line. I would say that we had a little small thing — like a presidential election — that took a lot of time away from it,” he said. “A lot of us are still here, and we see the benefit of that program. Don’t be disheartened. I’m convinced that before the funding runs out, we’ll have to reauthorize it.”

There will be one opportunity to pass a bill before the final budget deadline on March 14. 

How does the Secure Rural Schools program work? 

For decades, the bipartisan Secure Rural Schools and Community Self-Determination Act has compensated county governments surrounded by a large share of non-taxable national forest land. The system was originally designed so that certain communities received a share of timber sales generated from national forest lands managed by the U.S. Forest Service. However, in the 1990s, timber sales significantly declined, and these communities, which had relied heavily on this revenue, began to face financial strain. 

In response, Congress created the Secure Rural Schools program in 2000. This initiative replaced the previous revenue-sharing model, ensuring these communities and school districts continued to receive a stable funding source, even though they could no longer generate revenue from the timber sales on nearby federal lands. 

Over the past 10 years, the Forest Service has distributed $2.4 billion through the program. The funding continues to plateau and fluctuate by county. In fiscal year 2010, lawmakers allocated more than $415 million, whereas the most recent amount is $232 million.

Advocates are calling for a more permanent funding solution for these rural areas, rather than relying on a two-year authorization, said Tara Thomas, government affairs manager of the American Association of School Administrators.

“It is unfair to put superintendents and schools and communities in this position of where they’re constantly fighting for what, frankly, they deserve,” Thomas said. “This isn’t a handout. This isn’t someone … being reliant on the federal government. This is something that they are owed because they are unable to generate revenue any other way because of the federal government.”

Ann Levett, assistant executive director of the Leadership Network for the American Association of School Administrators, expressed that the funding mechanisms are antique and inadequate. 

“Even though people think we have too much, we simply do not collect enough tax money to meet all of the needs that are laid at the foot of the schoolhouse door,” she said. “If we say that we value schools, which play a critical role in caretaking and in educating, then we ought to find ways to finance them at suitable and appropriate levels, and I have not — in my long career as an educator — seen any successful effort to do that.”

Will Congress reauthorize the program under this administration?

It’s likely the program could be reauthorized this year.

Looking back to 2016, funding for the program lapsed before resuming in 2017. Oregon Public Broadcasting reported that GOP opposition in the House — similar to this past session — stalled progress on the bill. County payments returned to a revenue-based system, meaning they received payments based on revenue generated from fluctuating timber sales. In turn, they received significantly lower payments, according to a report by the Congressional Research Service. 

Some lawmakers are making plans to get a bill passed.

Last week, U.S. Rep. Marie Gluesenkamp Perez of Washington state wrote House leadership to prioritize extending the SRS program. Congressional leaders such as Thompson of Mississippi and U.S. Sen. Ron Wyden of Oregon, a sponsor of the bill, told Capital B they are committed to getting funds to rural counties. 

“This sad state of affairs due to congressional Republican failings is pointless and regrettable. But I am committed to working with anybody, anywhere, at the start of the new year who’s serious about reauthorizing these vital investments ASAP for rural communities in Oregon and nationwide,” Wyden wrote in a statement. 

Despite this push, Brown, the educator in Mississippi, urged legislators to “look at funding through the eyes of what type of society am I trying to build” when making crucial decisions that impact students and their communities.

“If you’re in the rural area and you’re just trying to have broadband so that the kids can have access to the internet, you need as many funds as you can get to give the students the type of society that you want to create, or the type of legacy that you want to leave,” Brown said.

The post Congress Failed to Renew Critical Funding Program for Rural Schools appeared first on Capital B News.

You are having a health emergency. You call 911. The nearest hospital is an hour away. 

 

You are diagnosed with cancer, but it took you months to find out because you don’t have transportation to see the one primary care physician in your county. 

 

You finally get an appointment with a specialty doctor you need to see, but the closest office is two counties over, and you cannot afford it. 

 

Carter joined other Republicans and Democrats in voting in favor of a slimmed-down spending bill.

The Current is an inclusive nonprofit, non-partisan news organization providing in-depth watchdog journalism for Savannah and Coastal Georgia’s communities.

Lloyd Wright has worked with 10 presidents since the early 1960s and seen how both Republicans and Democrats have failed to address Black farmers’ civil rights complaints and correct institutional racism within the United States Department of Agriculture.

“Many Black farmers refer to USDA as being the last plantation, and the reason for that is, is that it really doesn’t change much from one administration to another, and in all cases, it’s not very good for Black folk,” said Wright, a Virginia-based farmer and retiree who served with the USDA for more than three decades. “There have been some [administrations] better than others.”

He knows first-hand the discrimination Black farmers faced — and the need to rectify their claims. He worked in multiple divisions throughout the years and was the director of the Office of Civil Rights from 1997 to 1998. He came out of retirement to serve as a consultant during former President Barack Obama’s first administration.

As President Joe Biden’s term comes to a close, many Black farmers are bracing for another four years of stagnation on the issues that have long plagued them. Many argue that progress has been insufficient, with a lack of accountability for the secretary of agriculture and limited oversight of local systems that distribute federal funds. 

This week, hundreds of Black farmers are gathering at the National Black Growers Council annual convening in Charleston, South Carolina, to provide resources and education to ensure Black farmers aren’t left behind. And with Inauguration Day steadily approaching on Jan. 20, the farmers have a lot to strategize over during this year’s convening. 

Trump’s Cabinet picks have also raised eyebrows. Stephen Miller, who’s expected to be the president-elect’s deputy chief of staff for policy, successfully blocked the $4 billion debt relief geared toward Black farmers during Biden’s administration. Trump also nominated Brooke Rollins, the CEO of the right-wing think tank America First Policy Institute, as the next agriculture secretary. Rollins would manage agriculture and welfare programs, including food quality, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, and free school lunches, which have been vital for shrinking food insecurity and helping Black communities combat poverty.

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Read More: Justice Has Been Delayed for Black Farmers, and They’re Looking to the Next President for Answers

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Over the course of several administrations, Black farmers say the systemic problems they face — particularly within the USDA — have gone largely unaddressed. Under Trump’s previous tenure, there was little to no progress, with only 0.1% of emergency relief allocated to them. With the prospect of continued inaction, many fear that discrimination and unequal treatment at the USDA will persist for years to come.

In addition to Trump being back in the White House, Wright’s biggest concern is a narrow Republican majority in the House and three-seat majority in the Senate, and what legislation will be enacted to help, or hurt, farmers.

“For Black farmers, things that weren’t good before won’t get any better, but they may not get worse,” Wright told Capital B. 

He added: “It is not the fact that we’re going to have Trump in, it’s the fact that we lost the House and the Senate. It may be more difficult to get things into appropriation bills.”

What did the Trump administration do for Black farmers?

While Trump promised to “end the war on the American farmer,” his mission excluded farmers of color. Through his $22 billion Market Facilitation Program, which was designed to help farmers directly affected by foreign tariffs from China, nearly 100% of the bailout payments benefited white farmers, with an overwhelming majority going to those who are upper-middle class and wealthy. 

At the time, Sonny Perdue — the former Georgia governor who passed a tax bill to save his business and purchased land from a developer who he appointed to the state’s economic development board — served as the agriculture secretary. The program lacked oversight, failing to make sure the money went to farmers in need, according to the Government Accountability Office. The USDA’s internal auditors found the agency misspent more than $800 million, which included ineligible farms.

Farmers continued to feel the stronghold of the Trump administration even after he left office. 

Only months into Biden’s term, he passed the American Rescue Plan Act, which included a $4 billion debt relief program for farmers of color. However, they never got to see the relief. America First Legal — founded by Trump’s former adviser Miller — sued the USDA on behalf of Texas Agriculture Commissioner Sid Miller for excluding white people from the relief. Banks also fought back against the program. 

As a result, it fell through. 

Trump also considered Sid Miller as the next secretary of Agriculture for the USDA. Ultimately, he nominated Rollins, who would be only the second woman to serve in this position.

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Read More: Racial Discrimination Lawsuit Against Federal Debt Relief Program Dismissed

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Wright suspects things will only get worse, especially on the local level with the county committees and with the civil rights division. For years, the Office of Civil Rights, of which Wright once served as director, has been in disarray. If a local county committee discriminates against Black farmers and they submit a complaint, “it’s not going anywhere because they don’t process them,” he said.

“You don’t have to hit us in the eyes every day to get our attention when it’s very clear in our history that, given enough time, folk will figure out how not to do something that’s designed to help Black folk,” Wright added. 

Whether you’re a Democrat or Republican, it’s imperative that the next administration provides assistance to farmers because right now it’s stressful to be a Black farmer, said Julius Tillery, a fifth-generation cotton farmer in North Carolina who operates BlackCotton. 

“It’s a tough time. We’re having a rough year as well, but I think we could be able to make it through this year,” Tillery said. “We’ve been through worse, so let’s make the best of what’s coming next.”

Why are Black farmers disappointed in Biden? 

Though Trump hadn’t done much for Black farmers, in Wright’s eyes, Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris hadn’t done much better. He pointed to Biden’s appointment of Tom Vilsack as secretary of agriculture. He previously served two terms under Obama. During that time, Vilsack failed to address outstanding civil rights complaints and staked a claim that he helped increase the number of Black farmers and reduced funding disparities, which was inaccurate.

“I’m sure if Vilsack stayed secretary of agriculture and if the Congress had stayed Democrat, things wouldn’t have been great, but it would have been better,” said Wright.

Under Vilsack’s leadership, USDA employees foreclosed on Black farmers at a higher rate than on any other racial group between 2006 and 2016. The department approved fewer loans for Black farmers than under President Bush, and “then used census data in misleading ways to burnish its record on civil rights,” according to an investigation by The Counter. 

Also, Vilsack also played a role in the resignation of Shirley Sherrod, former Georgia state director of rural development for the USDA, whose remarks at an NAACP event were taken out of context. Though Vilsack later apologized and offered her another position, she declined. 

“To be honest with you, [the USDA] will continue to dismantle and be as dysfunctional as it relates to Blacks [under Trump], as was done under the Democrats — with the Clinton administration being the exception. And whereas Obama probably meant well, he gave us a secretary who was not very sensitive at all to Black issues,” Wright said.

These are a few of many reasons why Wright and others are relieved Vilsack won’t serve again.

Lawrence Lucas, a longtime advocate of Black farmers and president of the USDA Coalition of Minority Employees, said he expects to see a “quick abundance of class actions” during the Trump administration filed against the USDA because of the failures of the current administration, such as the backlog of civil rights complaints that haven’t been addressed.

“I talked to farmers who are concerned about what’s going to happen next, and they are very pessimistic about the Trump administration helping them, but they’ve also been very disappointed with the Biden administration and the way they handle civil rights at USDA,” Lucas added. “It’s very shameful that much of the expectations we had going into a Biden administration has been very disappointing.”

Despite the criticism of Biden, he did a “decent job” of trying to get assistance to underserved farmers, which include Black folks who were locked out of resources during the Trump administration, said DeShawn Blanding, senior Washington representative for the Food and Environment Program at the Union of Concerned Scientists. 

Blanding pointed to the Inflation Reduction Act’s $2.2 billion Discrimination Financial Assistance Program for distressed borrowers who experienced discrimination in USDA farm loan programs prior to 2021. Rather than implement the $4 billion debt relief, Congress approved this new initiative. About 43,000 farmers, ranchers, and forest landowners received funds from the DFAP in July. U.S. Sen. J.D. Vance of Ohio, the vice president-elect, suggested in August the program is racist against white farmers. 

Farmer Dewayne Goldmon, also the senior adviser for racial equity to the Secretary of Agriculture, acknowledged the hardships farmers face today. The cost of production is exceeding revenue and because of input costs and lower commodity prices, it’s difficult to have cash flow, he said.

“You might have heard the expression when white farmers get a cold, Black farmers get pneumonia? Those who are struggling the most tend to be more deeply impacted,” he added. 

Goldmon emphasized the changes the Biden administration has made, ranging from supporting the Equity Commission and 1890 land grant institutions to shortening loan applications and removing bias from the lending process. The Department of Agriculture must continue to partner with community-based organizations and universities and build on the work of the previous administration to ensure equity, said Goldmon, who has been farming for 27 years.

“The situation that the Biden-Harris administration, that Secretary Vilsack inherited, didn’t come in one or 10 years,” he added. “When discrimination rears its legs ahead, then the discrimination suffered by previous generations has to be overcome by current and future generations, and that’s going to continue. Folks are just going to have to get accustomed to advocating to bring it forward — creative and effective solutions to deal with prior discrimination.”

How are Black farmers preparing for the future?

Some farmers told Capital B they are in need of emergency support now, and no matter who is in office, they still fear they won’t get the adequate support they need, said Charles Madlock, an urban farmer in New York. As a result, some may be forced to shut down their farms in the near future. 

So, what is the way forward?

Madlock, who started his journey in 2022, decided to turn from farming to advocacy when he learned about the challenges small farmers face to access resources and markets. Also, because he had a prior drug conviction, he was ineligible to receive any resources from USDA for up to five years.

The 40-year-old says he isn’t sure what policies will be passed or implemented under another Trump administration, but his focus is educating a new generation of Black farmers as well as Black communities.

“If they really want to recruit Black farmers … you can kill somebody and you still get funding. You can rob a bank and still get funding, but anything that’s associated with drugs, you can’t get federal funding. And funding is a barrier that will prevent Black people from becoming new farmers,” he said. “I could either try to become a farmer and take on farming full time, or I can try to educate my community and build more Black farmers because that’s kind of sort of really what we need within our community.”

Blanding and the Union of Concerned Scientists are “ready for a rapid response to keep this administration accountable and try and make it transparent about what they’re doing, and also holding Congress accountable to the policies that they put forward.”

“We’ve seen what a Trump 1.0 administration looks like. We’re cautious of what a 2.0 will look like … we’re trying to encourage Biden to institutionalize and preserve the work they’ve done … and that’s really our focus from now until January.”

The post Decades of USDA Racism Leave Black Farmers Fighting for Equality appeared first on Capital B News.

North Atlantic right whale calving season began with a calf sighting off South Carolina Nov. 24.

The Current is an inclusive nonprofit, non-partisan news organization providing in-depth watchdog journalism for Savannah and Coastal Georgia’s communities.

Amanda David felt a wave of devastation as reality sank in that former President Donald Trump would lead the country again. Yet, the past four years have felt as if he had never left.

She’s been battling ongoing violent threats, racism, and harassment from her white neighbor in Ithaca, New York. The college town and farming community more than 200 miles away from New York City prides itself on being progressive, with Tompkins County residents backing Vice President Kamala Harris and securing wins for Democrats across the board. 

It’s a facade, David says. The racism and segregation is more subtle in the city, where Black people are only 5% of the nearly 31,400 residents. Mere miles away, she recalls seeing Confederate and Trump flags flying high. 

It’s not just the rural South or conservative regions — Black people in rural areas across the country don’t feel safe. As David and others are still processing the election results, they told Capital B that another Trump administration will only perpetuate ongoing issues over the next four years. Long neglected by both his campaign and previous administration, they see little hope for change in their persistent struggles: limited resources, weak civic infrastructure, and constant threats of violence. 

Sekou Franklin, political scientist and professor in the Department of Political Science at Middle Tennessee State University, points out that part of the issue is the erasure of Black rural communities in American politics, and how the policies don’t adequately address the diversity of rural Black America — whether it’s the Arkansas, Tennessee, or Mississippi Deltas, the Georgia Black Belt, or the Gullah Geechee communities along the coasts. 

Franklin suspects in states like Tennessee with Republican-dominated legislatures, lawmakers will pass substantial bills that will “legitimately” hurt Black communities. When it comes to opposing laws or fighting back against law enforcement officials, for example, many rural communities don’t have the infrastructure or extensive resources to do so.

“As bad and as tough as it may be in some of the urban communities, we have a little bit more of a grassroots infrastructure. We got young activists. We got civil rights leaders. We have attorneys,” Franklin said. “When you go to rural communities, where there’s brain drain and alienation, there’s no equivalent of a [Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee] group there.”

“The things of old are not old at all”

The election reminded Democratic Mayor W. Mondale Robinson of Enfield, North Carolina, of his own experiences as a Southern mayor who tore down the Confederate monument and received death threats from white supremacists for doing so.

“The reality is that America’s love for whiteness is on display at every turn, and this was no different,” he told Capital B. “I’m reminded that things of old are not old at all. They are around the corner and right in our face every day.”

In a crucial battleground state, North Carolina, voters there backed all Democratic candidates down ballot, but still voted for Trump to be president. 

Back in New York, when David moved to Ithaca in 2020, she set out to build community gardens and teach herbal medicine and land stewardship through her organization Rootwork Herbals.

Immediately after she arrived, David said her neighbor constantly yelled at her kids, calling them the N-word while trespassing on her property, which consists of a home, community garden, and area for her animals. Despite several protective orders and several police reports, he continued the racist bullying. 

“Anytime I felt threatened … I had this group of people that I would call, and they would come over because I had to do something to protect myself. The law wasn’t doing it,” David recalled. 

With nowhere to turn, Central New York Fair Housing filed a federal housing discrimination lawsuit on behalf of David against Robert Whittaker Jr. in 2023. She’s also fundraising through GoFundMe to relocate her family and business, which she had to shut down due to safety concerns. 

In Michigan, another key battleground state that Harris lost to Trump, Dilla Scott faced a lack of community support as her family experienced years of harassment and racism. She and her children moved to the small town of Cadillac in 2005 in search of better housing, becoming part of the 2% Black population. While in grade school, Dilla’s daughter, Angel Scott, was bullied by a white boy on the bus. One day, he even told her he wanted to burn a cross on a Black person’s lawn. When Dilla reported the incident, the school district failed to respond to take action, she said. 

The bigotry came to a head in 2020 when one of her sons, Alex Marshall, was racially profiled by the police, which led to him being arrested and charged with disorderly conduct and obstructing a police officer. The county prosecutor later dropped those charges.

“In my experience from being in Cadillac, the white people thought they were entitled to do whatever they wanted to a Black person,” Scott said. “I think Trump had a lot to do with it, the influence of people mistreating Black people and its racist acts.”

After that traumatic experience, Dilla’s home became infested with rodents and her landlord refused to act. She sought help from several agencies, including the local housing commission and health department, but received no support. The 68-year-old fell ill and discovered she had 22 ticks on her body. She had enough, but at the time, the single mom couldn’t “just up and move. You know, you’re trying to survive,” she told Capital B.

The decades of lack of local support served as a reason for why she chose not to vote, feeling things wouldn’t change.

“As far as I’m concerned, it’s not a politician that has not lied,” Scott said. “I have no reason to vote for man. I vote for God.”

Others have used the racism they’ve faced as a catalyst to improve their community.

Delbert Jackson grew up in a predominately white, rural town in east Texas. Unlike Ithaca, Center, Texas is a majority-Republican town, and its racist roots trace back to the 1920s when Lige Daniels, a Black teenager, was lynched in the main square at the courthouse. When Jackson returned to Center in 2010, he noticed the racism wasn’t hidden anymore — it was public for all to see. He noticed Confederate flags displayed during parades. He also stumbled upon the private club called the Sundowner, “a discreet and exclusive establishment … offering a unique social experience for its members.”

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He kept digging, and learned the Little Pony League changed its name to the Dixie League. The local activist knew he had to get involved when he found out white families participate in an annual ceremony to hang blue ribbons on the tree where Daniels was killed. For years now, he’s requested the local city council to relocate the historical marker of Daniels from the Black neighborhood to the courthouse grounds. The request was denied, but he’s still working to get it moved.

“They didn’t like the language that was used on the marker that’s at the location in the Black community. They told us that if anybody wanted to read the narrative that’s on that marker, then they can go to the Black neighborhood and read that narrative, but they wouldn’t allow that language on their historical Courthouse Square,” Jackson said.

In a place like Center, there is no local chapter of the NAACP or civil rights groups to support Jackson in his efforts. When asked why people aren’t getting involved, Jackson explains that most Black people “want to just mingle and merge, stay in their own churches or whatever. It’s business as usual. It’s not the same Black community that was here during Reconstruction or pre-Civil rights era.”

Though Trump will assume office, Jackson knows Black folks, particularly in the South, “won’t go down lightly.” While local white Democrats blame Harris’ loss on economics, Jackson emphasizes the history of racism and white supremacy is why Trump is back in office.

“That’s the American mindset. It’s regressive. It’s always been here, and it’s still here,” he added.

“We got to get to work”

While they will keep fighting locally, Black rural residents urge the Democratic Party to invest and organize in these communities year-round, not just during election cycles.

Robinson, the founder of the Black Male Voter Project, emphasized the need for the Democrats to come to grips that their policies aren’t translating with how folks vote, and having celebrities and influencers speak on behalf of Black communities doesn’t work.

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“When you have [a large percentage] of Black men not voting at all, or only one of the last four or five federal elections, that’s a critique of the tactics, not of the demographic,” Robinson said. “We have to … rethink what it means to invest in trusted messengers outside of Washington, D.C., and invest in state level politics, local level politics in a way that we’ve never done, not in modern times.”

Over the next four years, Democratic Mayor Dwan Walker of Aliquippa, Pennsylvania, agreed the focus should be on local and state races to “put us in the best position to keep what we have and try to gain more if we can.”

“The wars are fought in Philly and Pittsburgh and Erie, but the battles are won in these small areas like Aliquippa” he said. “By getting a lot of those people out to vote in these rural areas, you could neutralize some of the areas that you don’t get that’s not a stronghold.”

But, the policies must align with low-income and working-class people, which is an area he felt the Democratic Party missed the mark. Even with Harris’ economic plan, which included $25,000 down payment for first-time homeowners, some people questioned, “How do I even get there?”

“Like my Dad always said, ‘There’s got to be an avenue to success. Don’t show me something and not tell me how to get there.’ Say, ‘Hey, we’re gonna help you with your credit. We’re gonna give you some support.’ Show me what my insulators are,” Walker said. “Who’s gonna protect me when [or] if I fall? What if I lose my job?”

Beyond organizing, the moment calls for taking a moment to walk away and connect with your community, said Dr. Kenya Johns, a professor and licensed professional counselor. She’s also the mayor of Beaver Falls, Pennsylvania, and recently lost the bid to become the next state senator for Pennsylvania District 13. Even Johns is still processing the outcome. 

“This is my motto since it happened Wednesday. Everyone, cry today. Get your tears out. Get your sadness out. Because Thursday, we got to get to work, and that’s exactly what I feel,” she said.

The post Rural Black America Sees Little Hope for Change in Another Trump Term appeared first on Capital B News.